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Building a Competitive Education Industry
A Weekly Column by Myron Lieberman

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The Myth of "Participation"

One of the longstanding shibboleths in education is the value ascribed to "participation." For example, teacher unions justified collective bargaining by asserting that parties affected by decisions should participate in the decision-making process; that is, teachers who are affected by managerial decisions should participate in the decision-making process.

Obviously, the teacher unions did not and do not apply this principle to decisions they make. For instance, teacher bargaining resolves such issues as when teachers must show up to work, when they can leave after regular classes, and how many evening meetings with parents they are required to attend. All such decisions affect parents, yet parents are not invited or allowed to attend union meetings or bargaining sessions where union positions on these matters are adopted. It is sometimes alleged that parent participation occurs, or is supposed to occur, as the school district negotiators decide their position on the teacher work day, but clearly, this does not happen very often. The fact that the school district as well as the union take parental wishes into account, or say that they do, is not equivalent to parent participation in the decision-making process. Whenever A represents B without B's participation or even knowledge, there is a significant possibility that A will act opportunistically.

The benefits of participation are a major theme of educational administration. Supposedly, the more teacher participation in administrative decisions, the more "democratic" the administration. The thought that the more school employees decide certain matters reduces participation by citizens rarely ever seems to cross the minds of supporters of collective bargaining. This is evident from the process and results of teacher bargaining. The contracts are negotiated without participation by affected parties, such as taxpayers, parents, and businessmen. As soon as the union ratifies the contract, the school boards hold a meeting as soon as possible thereafter, to ratify the contract before community groups can study it carefully and possibly object. Then, after the union has ratified and the school board is about to ratify, others may find out what is in the contract that affects everyone. There is seldom time, however, to analyze the proposed contract carefully or to mount community opposition to it -- the very reason why school boards ratify promptly after union ratification. In short, the process is anti-participatory from beginning to end. Nonetheless, it is hailed as the epitome of "participation."

We need not seek very far for the explanation. Groups that advocate "participation" typically do so to justify their own participation; once getting it, they are not interested in enlarging the circle of decision makers.

Whatever may be said about participation by others in collective bargaining, we can agree that it affects teachers. Nonetheless, low attendance at teacher union meetings is the rule, not the exception, and this is true of union meetings generally. Some unions have gone so far as to fine members who do not attend union meetings, but whatever the remedy, non-participation in union affairs, in education or in other fields, is the general rule.

Quite often, union critics point to low turnout at union meetings as evidence of union boss control, but this is a questionable criticism. Only two or three percent of the electorate vote in school board elections when these elections are held at times different from general elections. Frequently, every effort is made to get citizens to vote, regardless of their information or interest in voting. Like clockwork, the pundits lament the fact, just as they lament low turnout at union meetings.

Voter participation is usually much higher than the percentages mentioned by the media. Their percentages are usually based on the number of eligible voters, but the names of individuals who have moved or died are not typically dropped from lists of eligible voters. Failing to keep the lists up to date results in substantial underestimates of voter participation in elections. In any case, we can observe many situations in which citizens do not participate in decisions that affect them.

The reason for nonparticipation is often that it is not worth the time and trouble. Ideologues glorify participation and criticize decision making processes characterized by little or no participation. Such criticisms are justified in some cases, but not in others in which potential participants do not take advantage of opportunities to participate.

In the early 1970s, I was a professor at the City University of New York when it hired a new president. Inasmuch as everyone was interested in his views but information about him was hard to come by, I purchased a copy of his doctoral dissertation on microfilm.

The dissertation was about Arkansas colleges that received Ford Foundation grants to establish a fifth year teacher education program -- four years for a major in a teaching field and a fifth year devoted largely to student teaching. Prior to the grant, the faculty had made a big deal about its participation in formulating policies on teacher education. Faced with the prospect of receiving substantial foundation support for a program in which the faculty did not participate in drafting, the faculty opted for the money, not the participation.

The outcome illustrates a pervasive point about participation. When faculty do not get their way, they allege that there has been inadequate participation, and as long as they do not get what they want, there is never enough participation. If they get what they want, they could not care less about the lack of participation.


Past Columns by Dr. Lieberman

NEA/AFT Merger in 1962: A Bit of History-January 29, 2001
The Conversion of Interests to Principals: The Case of Comparable Worth-January 22, 2001
Teachers and Farmers: Some Reflections-January 15, 2001
Innovation in the School Choice Debate-January 8, 2001
Deja Vu All Over Again?-December 18, 2000
Alligator Stew-December 11, 2000
The Florida Election Controversy: Implications for Education-Part II-December 4, 2000
Making Election Day a Holiday-November 28, 2000
The Presidential Election Controversy: Implications for Education-November 20, 2000
The School Choice Debacle-November 13, 2000
School Choice Before and After November 7-November 6, 2000
"Education" as an Issue in the 2000 Elections-October 30, 2000
Competition and Teacher Representation-October 23, 2000
Union or Political Party--Or Both?-October 16, 2000
Academic Double Standards-October 2, 2000
A Word About Education Courses-September 25, 2000
Teacher Unions and Education Reform-September 18, 2000
Gays and Lesbians in Classrooms-September 11, 2000
Should Teacher Unions Organize All School District Employees?-August 28, 2000
The Fallout from the Bilingual Education Controversy-August 21, 2000
Senator Lieberman's Support for Vouchers-August 14, 2000
Education at the GOP Convention-August 7, 2000
No Union or Different Kind of Union?-July 31, 2000
Merit Pay Can't Provide The Incentives For Improvement-July 17, 2000
The NEA's Latest Party-July 10, 2000
How and Why the NEA Avoids the Union Label-July 3, 2000
How the NSBA Stifles Dissent-June 26, 2000
Teacher Representation in the Bargaining Law States-June 19, 2000
Should Teachers Affiliate with the AFL-CIO?-June 12, 2000
Vouchers, Polls, and Soundbites-June 6, 2000
Why the NEA/AFT Support and Oppose Privatization Simultaneously-May 30, 2000
Looking At School Choice In A New Light-May 19, 2000

 

See File

Education Policy Institute, PMB 294, 4401-A Connecticut Ave., NW, Washington, DC 20008-2322 202/244-7535, Fax 202/244-7584 http://www.educationpolicy.org, revised 2/5/01