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Building a Competitive Education Industry
A Weekly Column by Myron Lieberman

[EPI welcomes reader feedback.]

How the NSBA Stifles Dissent

Potentially, one of the most promising sources of educational reform is the National School Boards Association (NSBA). In practice, NSBA is not an important player, but the reason is not ideological rigidity among NSBA members. Instead, the reason is organization policies intended to prevent thorough, candid presentation of conflicting views. This conclusion will surprise even some NSBA members, so let me explain.

When delegates to a national organization want to affect the policies of the organization, they must find a way to meet with like-minded delegates. This is essential to formulate the specific actions sought by the delegates, and to plan strategy and tactics in the controversy that emerges whenever the organizational status quo or the leadership agenda is challenged. Caucuses are the main vehicle utilized to facilitate the ability of delegates to play an effective role in organizational policymaking. Caucuses are like political parties within the organization. They enable members who share a point of view to come together, articulate their ideas on what should be done and why, and plan the practical steps required to have their positions adopted by the organization. A comparison of NSBA to NEA policies on caucuses is instructive.

In the NEA, virtually any group of delegates to the NEA's national convention can form and be recognized as a caucus. The NEA publishes the names and addresses of caucus leaders in the NEA Handbook so that any interested delegate can find out more about the caucuses and become a member of any that appeal to the delegate. The NEA arranges for caucus meeting rooms at its national convention, and publishes a convention schedule that explicitly reserves time and rooms for caucus meetings during the convention. The NEA also requires that any caucus that is accorded these privileges must be open to any member of the NEA, a rule that has both positive and negative aspects. The positive aspect is that caucus critics or delegates who just wish to find out more about a caucus cannot be prohibited from attending caucus meetings. The negative aspect is that the rule is subject to abuse by delegates who are opposed to the objectives of the caucus. For example, Democrats could join the Republican caucus (or vice versa) just to learn more about the strategy and tactics and plans of its opposition.

Caucus dues in the NEA are quite low -- $10 to $25 in most caucuses. Altogether, the 1999-2000 NEA Handbook lists 36 caucuses: six are ethnic caucuses; ten are based on occupational specialties, such as counselors or educational support personnel; eleven are public policy caucuses, including a Democratic Party and a Republican Party caucus. Some, such as the Gay and Lesbian Educators Caucus, are devoted to one issue or cluster of issues. The other caucuses do not fit any pattern. It is somewhat surprising that there is no caucus in the NEA explicitly intended to provide organizational leadership and agendas on a continuing basis; the NEA is a political environment with several interest groups but no party that openly seeks control of the association. Undoubtedly, there are caucus meetings with this objective in mind, but none of the NEA caucuses are a broad-based political party within the NEA. The Republican and Democratic caucuses function to promote their political parties outside of the NEA; they do not run slates of candidates for office to control the NEA.

NSBA presents a much different approach to caucuses. A few years ago, a group of conservative school board members, disturbed by NSBA's acquiescence to liberal Democratic policies and the inadequate presentation of other positions at NSBA conventions requested recognition of a "conservative caucus." At the time, only four caucuses were recognized in the NSBA convention program and governance structure: the black caucus, the Hispanic caucus, the American Indian/Alaska Native caucus, and the caucus of board members under 40 years of age.

The NSBA still has recognized only the four caucuses mentioned above. NSBA declined to recognize the conservative caucus, and stated that recognition in the future would be extended only to disadvantaged minorities. Why should NSBA be opposed to caucuses based on policy positions? The effect of its opposition is to minimize debate over policy at NSBA conventions. This is indefensible in an organization ostensibly devoted to policy issues. In fact, given the relatively high turnover among delegates to NSBA conventions, there is especially strong reason to foster serious discussion and debate on critical policy issues among the delegates, but this is not what NSBA officers and staff want to see. Such debate would render it more difficult for the leadership to achieve NSBA support for its agenda, and might have repercussions throughout the NSBA hierarchy as well.

Of course, if you attend NSBA conventions, you will encounter plenty of debate. For the most part, however, it is on issues unlikely to matter very much to education or to most delegates. Unfortunately, secondary issues dominate NSBA's national convention.

Thus, it turns out that at the convention level, the NEA is a much more open and democratic organization than the NSBA. An organization that operates on the assumption that ethnicity and age are the only legitimate basis for a caucus is a disgrace to the ideals that NSBA professes to foster.


Past Columns by Dr. Lieberman

Teacher Representation in the Bargaining Law States-June 19, 2000
Should Teachers Affiliate with the AFL-CIO?-June 12, 2000
Vouchers, Polls, and Soundbites-June 6, 2000
Why the NEA/AFT Support and Oppose Privatization Simultaneously-May 30, 2000
Looking At School Choice In A New Light-May 19, 2000

 

See File

Education Policy Institute, PMB 294, 4401-A Connecticut Ave., NW, Washington, DC 20008-2322 202/244-7535, Fax 202/244-7584 http://www.educationpolicy.org, revised 6/26/00