David W.
Kirkpatrick
2323 Rudy Road
Harrisburg, PA 17104
Ph: 717-232-2146 Fax: 717-232-2164
Remarks
EPI News Conference, National Press Club, May 6, 1999
A career educator in many capacities, I spent more than a
dozen years as a top officer of staff member of affiliates
of the National Education Association (NEA), the American
Federation of Teachers (AFT) and the American Association of
University Professors (AAUP), and I am a life member of five
different divisions of teacher unions, including the NEA and
the Pennsylvania State Education Association (PSEA), of
which I am a past president.
But, particularly as a local association president for
several years, I ran democratic unions. Neither the members,
nor I as president, sought a to negotiate such anti-teacher
policies as the agency fee, whereby teachers who don't join
the union must still pay a fee, usually an exorbitantly high
one; maintenance of membership, whereby if they do join they
can only withdraw during the final days of the contract,
which may be for as long as five years, or even the
restricting of material they may receive in their school
mailbox to those from the union, other than that from the
school district itself.
While the NEA dates back to 1857, and the AFT to the
beginning of this century, neither became effective in the
traditional labor union model until the 1960s and, virtually
from that beginning, they began to adopt some of the less
attractive features of unionism, tactics they have since
expanded.
For example, in 1970 the U.S. Government began looking
for a school district to try a five-year project, and
required teacher approval. One was found in Alum Rock,
California, many of whose teachers belonged to an NEA local
and a fewer number belonged to an AFT local. Both groups
agreed to participate, only to be attacked by their national
unions. The project went ahead but the national unions still
say their members were wrong. At the Education Commission of
the States annual conference in 1997, in Providence, R.I., I
asked top officers of both unions why they did this. NEA
Pres. Bob Chase said, in effect, he wasn't involved then
while AFT office Ed McElroy, who is from Rhode Island, said
it was because what the teachers did was "a stupid
decision."
In Philadelphia the AFT contract specifies the required
school hours for teachers. They have criticized their
members who stayed in school after those hours, charging
them with embarrassing their colleagues and engaging in the
educational equivalent of a speedup. More recently, also in
Philadelphia, the school district received millions of
foundation dollars to help develop mini-teams in the large
high schools whereby 4-5 teachers would work with 100 or so
students. Some teachers requested that they be able to agree
among themselves who would constitute such a team. The
district had no problem; the foundation had no problem; but
the union did and refused to let the teachers voluntarily
work together.
Jaime Escalante, a calculus teacher at Garfield High
School in East Los Angeles, who became famous for his
success with mostly poor and Hispanic students, and the
subject of a 1987 movie, "Stand and Deliver," was harassed
by his union. One of his "sins" was not turning any student
down and having classes of more than 70 students, three
times the number stipulated in the contract. Union
representatives helped persuade teachers to vote him out as
the math department chairman. Escalante wrote his union
president, saying, "If you looked into what is going on in
this school in the name of the union, I think you...would be
appalled." He has also said he "thought the union was going
to focus on how to improve our skills. But they're more
interested in politics than kids."
In Bethlehem, PA, high school teachers and administrators
developed a plan to use aides to free teachers from
nonteaching duties, increase by 450 minutes a year the time
teachers would actually spend with students and,
coincidentally, reduce the teaching staff at the high school
by 12 positions. The union president and staff
representative promptly opposed the idea, the staffer
saying, "They seem to have put this together thinking they
were doing what's best for education...But this is
business." Each year in Minnesota the teachers union
recognizes a Teacher of the Year. Over the past decade and a
half or so, at least three of those teachers were later laid
off because more senior teachers took their places, as
called for by contracts negotiated by the same union that
praised them.
In San Francisco, the union field a grievance against a
charter school because it paid its teachers $2,800-$3,600
more than they would have received as regular teachers and,
the key point, did so without first negotiating the pay
increase with the union.
In Richmond, VA the superintendent wanted to give new
teachers a $5,000 signing bonus. The union objected. In
Washington, D.C., Superintendent Arlene Ackerman wanted to
raise starting teacher salaries to $30,000, an 11% increase.
The union objected.
Speaking to the 1995 convention of his union, C.T.
Purdom, president of the Washington (State) Education
Association, told his members they should stop trying to
"control" the Association so the hired staff could do its
work. He added that those members opposing changes sought by
the leadership would be responsible for the WEA's death, and
that "We have met the enemy and it is us."
In a recent publicized case, a former teacher wishing to
return to the classroom was offered a job by a school
district, but without full recognition on the salary
schedule of all her prior years of teaching. She willingly
accepted but the union said the board could not hire her
unless they paid her an additional $9,000. The teacher said
they didn't need to, but the union held firm and the teacher
was not hired.
Perhaps the most notorious violation of teachers' rights,
and a constant ongoing battle, derives from what dues, if
any, nonmembers must pay the union. In 1988, in the Beck
decision, the U.S. Supreme Court said workers can only be
required to pay dues or fees for costs directly related to
collective bargaining. In the decision, Harry Beck, who
launched the appeal, was awarded a reduction of 79% in his
dues. Neither the unions, such as the AFL-CIO, nor
government agencies such as the National Labor Relations
Board, make any effort to notify workers, including
teachers, of this right. A 1996 poll found that 62% of union
members opposed the AFL-CIO's $35 million campaign to win
Democratic control of Congress.
Unions have been so successful at keeping workers unaware
of their rights that one poll found 78% of them didn't know
they need not pay for political and other union activities
unrelated to bargaining. Under former President George Bush,
the Labor Department required unions to publicly reveal what
portion of their dues workers could keep, and Bush ordered
federal contractors to tell the workers of their rights.
Within days of taking office, President Bill Clinton
rescinded both actions.
One final note on this subject. Unions deny agency fee
payers the right to vote, arguing they are not members.
However, since those who pay it are paying a full share of
the costs of negotiations, and generally more, why should
they not at least be allowed to vote on the contract? Where
possible, the union insists on being able to take their
money, yet it equally stridently objects to their having any
say about the results that are obtained from the expenditure
of that money. Is this fair?
In brief, despite their claims that any critic of union
procedures is anti-union and out to destroy them, the
problem, for many of us, is not the existence of unions but
the lack of union democracy, a lack that is virtually
universal throughout the labor movement.
A closing comment, which could be said about both teacher
unions: "The NEA has been the single biggest obstacle to
education reform in this country. We know because we worked
for the NEA." Billy Boyton, former Nebraska NEA Executive
Director, and John Lloyd, former Kansas NEA Executive
Direction, quoted, p. 53, Educational Freedom, Vol. 27, No.
2, Spring-Summer 1994.
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